It is not supported the idea of need help

In the Gaullist vision of the Fifth Republic, the presidential election is the meeting between a man and a people. Parties did not have their place in the film. However, if it is a rather a candidate who suffers in this campaign may not be the leader of a party, it is Ségolène Royal. Its main handicap from its three main competitors, Nicolas Sarkozy, François Bayrou and Jean - Marie Le Pen, is that it does not control the party it represents. Since his campaign, it gives the impression of not knowing what the Socialist troops. Sometimes she proclaims his freedom, want to reason "taboo" without "dogma", sometimes she is recovering in the ranks and flatters the Socialists by ensuring "being one of their". Elephants beat the stands, but they are beaten cold by the candidate, who wishes to keep its distance.

Discomfort is felt in the project, in place of failure expected, has emerged as a compromise between the innovative vision of the candidate and the burdens inherent in the party. One of the reasons for the breakthrough of François Bayrou in the polls is the contradictions of the speech of Villepinte, while pointing the finger the scourge of debt, has not hesitated to align one hundred proposals, as in the old days of the Union of the left which was required of the quantitative to stow the Communists. Since then, Ségolène Royal has corrected the fire: it has refocused its proposals on seven major areas, refined its line of the "giving-giving" and put forward are hallmarks of good management: "A euro spent should be a useful euro", but its Roundtripping have blurred the line. The morale of the troops is in Bern and the credibility of the candidate began, a real handicap in a combat left-right to an extraordinary harshness.

To be master of a party is obviously not from the setbacks. But the way in which Nicolas Sarkozy succeeds in imposing his troops to great ideological deviations he secret to capturing sometimes the disappointment of the left, and the national Front voters shows that it is an undeniable asset. Some of its supporters are reluctant, as Simone Veil, who does not like the idea of a Ministry of Immigration and national identity. But the reluctance ever led to a public questioning of his line.

The UDF François Bayrou has also the advantage of consistency. Those who disagreed with his "radical centrism" have defected before the start of the campaign. Remained around the head as some believe. Successful caregivers, their number tends to swell at sight of eye. To the national Front, Jean - Marie Le Pen, joined by his daughter Marine, has more problem of dissent since his 2002 success has imposed it in the great court. Rest the Royal case: the candidate is imposed on the PS from the outside. It has failed its OPA by the strength of the polls, in the last straight line. It must now implement fit the expectations of the opinion and the software of the party, in other words accompany the molt of the PS. It was probably built on the fact that his companion François Hollande would assist it in this difficult task. But it was quickly disillusioned: field o how sensitive tax, the candidate and the first Secretary were not on the same wavelength. He wanted to tax "the rich" from 4.000 euros of net monthly income. It was much more reserved. Difficult from there to build consistency between the candidate and the party. Hence the friction and the accounts rules that must be taken with caution. The anti-Royal maintient recently written by former national Secretary in the economy, Eric Besson, has no interest that on one point: it highlights the main fear that inspires internal candidate, the personal power.

In reality, this power is the fact of any candidate in the presidential election. Francois Mitterrand, as Ségolène Royal, decided only. "It is not supported the idea of need help." "He hated that anyone can be indispensable", says Jacques Attali (1). But one was the ideological control of the party, the other is not. "The campaign of 1981 was joyous, fervent," remember of old activists. 2007 Is confrontational and anxious.

Could it be otherwise then that party, five years after the shock of the April 21, 2002, is facing its delays and its shortcomings It knew eroded its popular base by the national Front and the UMP, now it is competed at the top by François Bayrou who seduced left voters by promising nothing other than to manage seriously. These facts disclosed by the campaign plunge into the remorse of Dominique Strauss-Kahn supporters too long remained in the soft consensus rather than defend their social democratic line. Feeling that the party pitching, François Bayrou plays the tempters. And if tomorrow the future was by an alliance between the centre and the reformers of left And if the UDF, leaving the shores of the right-wing, became the midwife of a sclerotic Socialist Party This is the thesis of Jean Peyrelevade, the former Deputy Director of Office of Pierre Mauroy. It assumes the presidential victory of François Bayrou and the bursting of the PS. Guardian of the temple, Pierre Mauroy erect walls, says that "François Bayrou is a competitor" and is "no question of allying with him", but the House quakes and Ségolène Royal has no choice but to assume it also the social-democratic shift towards which the wore his convictions.

When she advocates partnership enterprises-unions in place of the current confrontation, when she defends the principle of giving-giving (to each one having), where she praised the family as a bulwark to disorders of the society, it would hear Tony Blair when he undertook in 1994 (thirteen years ago!), to change the software of the old Labour Party who had to undergo four successive election defeats. This is the positive side of this little festive campaign. Winning or losing, the Socialist Party will no longer be as never before.